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11.
Victor A. Albert 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(1):84-99
Brazil's Movimento de Trabalhadores Sem Teto (MTST, Homeless Workers' Movement) has grown dramatically in recent years. This growth was partly provided for by the use of a large government housing programme, Minha Casa Minha Vida (MCMV, My House My Life), which allowed the MTST to construct housing for its members and swell its ranks with thousands of new members. Yet some have argued that the MCMV programme used by the MTST may compromise the autonomy of civil society organisations. This article, by contrast, argues that while the MCMV programme encouraged bureaucratic practices, it also helped to promote the cultural politics of the MTST. 相似文献
12.
This study developed a composite machine learning algorithm for attribution of materials of forensic interest (like ammonium nitrate) to original sources. k-nearest neighbor and random forest models were used for source elimination and classification, respectively, in a two-step, composite algorithm based on particle color, size/shape, and trace element concentration features. Novel approaches for simulation to supplement within-source reference features based on empirically measured multi-lot analyses, an improved hold-one-lot-out method for cross-validation, an assessment of the likelihood of the presence of a reference sample, fusion of the source probabilities from the respective classification models, and the calculation of metrics for assessing ensemble sourcing performance are described. Excellent sourcing predictions were obtained; the sourcing algorithm identified the correct source as the top choice 89% of the time, and the correct source was identified to be an average of 2.7 times more likely than the most likely incorrect source. 相似文献
13.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany. 相似文献
14.
William A. Niskanen 《Public Choice》2006,128(1-2):351-356
This paper describes several dimensions of the cost of the U.S. response to the threat of terrorism. Following an evaluation of the nature and magnitude of the threat of terrorism against the United States, the paper describes the restrictions on our civil liberties, the fiscal and other costs of the major homeland security measures, the fiscal cost of programs that make no contribution to the defense against terrorism but are rationalized on that ground, and the effects on our language and the potential for civil discourse of an extended defense against terrorism. 相似文献
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In the last 50 years Chinese arbitration law and practices has made significant contributions to the international commercial
arbitration and strides to manage the rapidly increasing caseload associated with a period of amazing growth in economic interactions
between Chinese and non-Chinese parties. In the global economy there are rooms for further improvement. The paper proposed
some ideas on reforming the Chinese arbitration law and practices on the arbitration system regarding the ad hoc arbitration,
panel system and tribunal jurisdiction, interim measures of protection, as well as standards for the judicial review on the
arbitral awards. 相似文献
19.
20.
A. J. Barnard 《Law and Critique》2006,17(2):153-170
The aim of this paper is to identify the possible substructure (looking glass/es) of a critical legal argument for contractual
justice (Wonderland) in the South African law of contract. South African contract law still fails, ten years after the constitutional
transformation, to reflect the constitutional ideals of freedom, equality and human dignity in an acceptable manner. I argue
that this disposition places a question mark over the legitimacy of contract law and marginalizes opportunities for the social
change envisaged by the Constitution. The paper explores Duncan Kennedy’s Form and Substance-argument and indicates that the
reluctance to accommodate these values may be attributable to the fact that the majority of role-players position themselves
on the individualism/rules side of Kennedy’s continuum – a paradigm that perceives the law of contract as a body of positivistic
rules to be applied neutrally and regardless of the social or socio-economic distortions its application may generate. In
an attempt to move away from this traditional approach, the privileged paradigm is criticised. A typical CLS-approach is followed
which employs sociology, psychological jurisprudence and game theory to criticise the law from outside the restrictive realms
of law itself. Simultaneously, I attempt to illuminate the argument for a shift (step through the looking glass) to another
paradigm. I conclude that our judiciary finds itself in a position similar to that of Plato’s prisoners in the cave and will
not reach the point where they apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus
responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit
the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality
to further the ideal of justice.
Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the
late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment
of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual
justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal
History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and
input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University
of Cape Town for financially supporting this research.
†Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of
the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice
P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial
fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria
under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African
law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the
Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author
wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin
van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to
acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this
research. apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is
thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing
legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s
obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to
further the ideal of justice. 相似文献